n a speech replete with references to belief in god and the value of religion, Vice President Albert Gore proposed earlier this week what he termed a "New Partnership" between government and faith-based groups. Gore told a friendly audience at a Salvation Army drug rehabilitation center in Atlanta, Ga. that if elected president, "the voices of faith-based organizations will be integral to the policies set forth in my administration."

   "The 'politics of community' will be neither government doing everything, nor the churches and charities picking up the slack when government scales back," Gore declared. "A politics of community can be strengthened when we are not afraid to make connections between spirituality and politics."

   The 30-minute address drew a warm response from Gore's religious audience, and at times sounded more like a sermon than a whistle stop in his efforts to capture the White House in the 2000 elections. Although he paid lip service to "the founders' precious separation of church and state," Gore lambasted those who "have said for too long that religious values should play no role in addressing public needs," describing this as "hollow secularism."

   "I believe strongly in the separation of church and state. But freedom of religion does not mean freedom from religion. There is a better way..."

   The Vice President also challenged what he described as an "allergy to faith," and praised the work of his wife, noted censorcrat Tipper Gore, for her involvement in faith-based outreach groups. He also recounted the story of how Christ House, a Washington, D.C. social service agency provided both medical treatment and "a much deeper type of healing." Gore followed that anecdotal tale with a story about a women who had gone on welfare and was finding it difficult to obtain employment, then signed up for job training at the Christian Women's Job Corps. "There, she met a woman who mentored her through prayer and Bible study, and she soon began to regain her self confidence. Faith gave her a new feeling of self worth, of purpose..."

"I believe strongly in the separation of church and state. But freedom of religion does not mean freedom from religion. There is a better way..."

   Gore went on to praise religious social programs throughout the country, describing this merger of government and faith-based activism as "the politics of community."

   "The men and women who work in faith -- and values -- based organizations are driven by their spiritual commitment; to serve their God, they have sustained the drug-addicted, the mentally ill, the homeless... Most of all, they have done what government can never do; what it takes (is) God's help..." Playing to his Atlanta audience, the Vice President heaped praised upon the local Salvation Army, and quoted the local Captain whose motto is "Our belief in God is in all the steps to recovery."

   "I believe that faith in itself is sometimes essential to spark a personal transformation," noted Mr. Gore.

   Though not mentioning it by name, Gore praised the controversial amendment by Sen. John Ashcroft which became part of a sweeping 1996 welfare reform law by inserting a Charitable Choice clause. The measure permits states to subsidize the resources of churches and other religious groups in providing social services. "They can do so with public funds -- and without having to alter the religious character that is so often the key to their effectiveness," declared Gore. In apparent contradiction, though, he then said "We must ensure that there is always a high-quality secular choice available," adding "We must continue to prohibit direct proselytizing as part of any publicly funded efforts." That flip was followed by another twist, "But we must dare to embrace faith-based approaches that advance our shared goals as Americans."

   Separationists, though, have warned that legislation such as the Ashcroft Amendment threatens to violate the prohibition on governmental "excessive entanglement" with churches and other religious groups. While government may require "secular alternatives," or mandate that no religious group is discriminated against when money is handed out, this sort of program still places the state in the dubious position of funding faith-based groups and outreaches. Others point out that faith-based organizations have no role to play in operating secular social programs, and are simply unable to separate their religious mission with any secular goals; indeed, the Salvation Army official praised by Mr. Gore declared that "belief in god" was a primary component of the organization's rehabilitation scheme. Gore noted that in many faith-based groups, a welfare client "is not a number but a child of God."

   Gore's Atlanta speech suggests an alarming trend which is emerging in the upcoming Year 2000 race for the presidency. The Vice President faces only token opposition thus far for the Democratic Party nomination, but could encounter an uphill fight from some Republican hopefuls who have already staked out the "faith-and-values" position in their own campaigns. From feisty Pat Buchanan to Texas Governor George W. Bush, a burgeoning economy leaves the GOP field concentrating on questions involving public morality and the role of religion in a secular culture. Associated Press reporter Sandra Sobieraj observed, "For Gore, the political benefit of religious talk is twofold; it sneaks some ground out from under Republicans who have long dominated the morals debate; and, less overtly, may serve to disassociate him from Clinton's personal scandals."

   Sensing the heightened partisan confrontation over religion-in-government, Republican National Committee chairman Jim Nicholson described Gore's "New Partnership" between church and state as a welcome "change of heart," but added, "It's taken too long for candidate Gore to join Republicans in recognizing the rightful role of churches and religious organizations in solving society's most challenging and pressing problems."

   But Gore's Atlanta speech ignited debate and some concern within Democratic ranks, a possible crisis that has been building since politicians moved to capitalize on the Littleton, Colorado high school slayings last month. Elaine Kamarch, a senior policy advisor inside the Gore campaign, told the Boston Globe that "The Democratic Party is going to take back God this time," in anticipation of the 2000 presidential fight. And even before his Atlanta sermon, Gore has been playing the role of teacher and avuncular disciplinarian to the nation. Speaking at a graduation ceremony at the University of New Hampshire, Mr. Gore "launched a new phase of his presidential campaign" as he invoked "an Old Testament story in a call for young people to master the temptations of evil and sin," noted the paper.

   Dr. John Green, political scientist at the University of Akron, noted that Gore's growing emphasis on religious motifs and rhetoric, especially in the opening rounds of a presidential bid, is unusual for a Democrat. Green observed that the party "has developed a large, secular constituency of nonreligious people who don't react particularly well to religious language," and cited issues such as abortion and gay rights, and prayer in public schools. "With the shootings at Columbine and the disgust over President Clinton's sexual escapades," observed the Globe, "Green said there is a vast hunger for spirituality, meaning and morality in everyday life."

   Indeed, the Columbine shootings have precipitated a national debate over values and religion, violence in the news media, and even the role of movies, videos and music in modern culture. Some such as religious right culture guru William Bennett insist that "no price is too high" in "saving" youngsters from such alleged pernicious influences; others point to the Columbine incident as a case where tragedy is being exploited to advance narrow and intolerant sectarian agendas. Gore has used Columbine shooters Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris as examples of youngsters who "chose evil." In his New Hampshire address, the Vice President noted "The story from Genesis does have some parallel ... these boys described themselves as outcasts and felt rejected. They became vulnerable to a choice that can be characterized as good and evil..."

   While Gore warned against government "proscribing what religious beliefs any family should take," he maintained that there is "abundant evidence that if religious observance is consistent with the value system of that family, there are lots of benefits to children if they are taught those values and traditions from the earliest years on." The report in the Boston Globe said that Gore "does not reject people who have embraced atheism," although the Democratic front-runner said "I don't agree with it."

[text only]