Religious groups on the right divide over whether to back the controversial Religious Liberty Protection Act. Are supporters of RLPA trying to rush the measure for a fast-track vote in the House of Representatives?
Web Posted: August 5, 1998
he fight over the Religious Liberty Protection Act has intensified, and
there are new developments from Capitol Hill.
-
Mixed signals are coming from the House Judiciary Committee. There were
reports that the Constitution Subcommittee was to have disposed of RLPA last
week, sending it on to the full HJC for expected passage, then to the whole
House for floor action. That didn't materialize.
AMERICAN ATHEISTS has learned that action on the Religious Liberty Protection Act is now slated for Thursday, August 6, 1998. The Constitution Subcommittee is expected to vote on the measure, and possible pass it directly to the full House Judiciary Committee for a second vote. Then, RLPA may be "fast tracked" to the whole House for yet another vote.
- Most of the mainstream and liberal religious groups remain solidly behind
the Religious Liberty Protection Act. A serious rift has appeared, though,
among organizations identified with the religious right.
The Big Three religious right groups -- Christian Coalition (Pat
Robertson), Focus on the Family (James Dobson) and Gary Bauer's Washington,
D.C.-based Family Research Council have joined forces to urge supporters in
backing RLPA. Also signing on is Charles Colson's Prison Fellowship
Ministries. A fund raiser sent out last week by Colson declares that "RLPA is
supported by the broadest-based Christian coalition in recent memory."
Other RLPA boosters include the Southern Baptists, Christian Legal Society,
the Roman Catholic Bishops, Association of Christian Schools International,
National Association of Evangelicals and the American Center for Law and
Justice.
But other groups have broken ranks, including the giant Concerned Women for
America (Beverly LaHaye), Phyllis Schlafly's Eagle Forum and smaller
organizations such as Traditional Values Coalition and the Christian Action
Network. (In California, the TVA group there still is listed as a member of
the Coalition for the Free Exercise of Religion, which is backing the state
RLPA/RFRA clone bill.) Spear heading this break is the Home School Legal
Defense Fund.
COLSON: THE RELIGIOUS JAILHOUSE
CONNECTION TO RLPA
Before analyzing this split in the religious right, it is useful to examine
why Mr. Colson's group has taken the initiative in unifying The Big Three
(Christian Coalition, Focus on the Family and Family Research Council) in a
campaign to pass the Religious Liberty Protection Act. Colson, of course,
cites the usual "horror stories" where churches are required to obey "rules of
general applicability" such as zoning ordinances, or anti-dscrimination laws
-- as in the case of a Philadelphia Christian day care operation that tried to
deny jobs "to atheists and homosexuals."
For Colson's group and the proliferating "jailhouse" ministries being
operated by religious organizations, though, RLPA is carte blanche to operate
behind the walls of penal institutions. Like its unconstitutional
predecessor, the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, RLPA would give extreme
latitude to any inmates, prison gangs or other groups that wish to demand
special privileges, treatment or facilities, so long as it is done under the
mantle of "religious expression." As noted in yesterday's AANEWS, already
white supremacist organizations like the Aryan Brotherhood now operate in
states like Texas as legally incorporated churches. The potential for abuse
under the RLPA statutes is extreme.
And it's not just "souls" which are at stake. Jail and prison-based
ministries have the potential of becoming lucrative church-based industries,
as states rush to privatize the criminal justice system. In Texas, for
instance, Colson's prison ministry already operates its own program within the
Jester Unit complex. The two year experimental program costs an estimated
$2.5 million, with the state picking up the tab for support services including
security, housing, food and medical care. But Colson's group has made it
clear that at the end of the trial period, it will be asking the taxpayers to
begin funding the faith-based outreach.
RELIGIOUS RIGHT OPPOSITION
Other groups identified with the religious right, however, see RLPA as an
extension of federal intrusive powers; a number have expressed the fear that
somehow the powers of the proposed legislation are rooted in the Commerce
Clause. By this rationale, they argue that the Religious Liberty Protection
Act essentially "federalizes" religious beliefs and practices, and works only
to protect larger congregations and faith groups. Michael Farris of the Home
School Legal Defense Association argues that "The RLPA embraces the unAmerican
idea that religious freedom is for some, not all Americans. This
discriminatory philosophy leaves home schoolers, other religious individuals,
and small ministries at a distinct disadvantage. Wealthy and powerful
religious institutions receive much greater protection."
Unfortunately, Farris and others do not include Atheists or non-Christian
religious groups under the mantle of their concern. They also fear that RLPA
is not strong enough to "protect churches from claims by homosexuals," and
other groups. That remains highly problematic, and other critics of RLPA
insist that one of the dangers of the act is that it does NOT protect
homosexuals, unmarried couples or other groups from discrimination by churches
or other religious organizations.
Farris and other religious right RLPA opponents also fear that being based
in the Commerce Clause, the proposed legislation could end up leading to
taxation of churches. He writes:
"Again, in order to be successful under the RLPA, religious groups will
have to prove that their exercise of faith has a substantial impact on
interstate commerce. The more that churches prove that they are centers of
commerce, the more they position themselves to be subject to taxation. An
increasingly secular society may be all too willing to impose taxes on
institutions whose commercial activities make them seen more like 'Centers of
Commerce & Faith' than houses of prayer."
RLPA does not say that, however, regardless of the merits or pitfalls of
taxing churches.
MOMENTUM STILL WITH RLPA/RFRA
On Capitol Hill, boosters of the Religious Liberty Protection Act have
scheduled another legislative markup in hopes of fine tuning their proposal to
make it constitutionally worthy. Constitutional scholar Marci Hamilton, who
successfully defended the city of Boerne, Texas in the historic BOERNE v.
FLORES case (which struck down the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, the
precursor of RLPA), said that the legislation remains essentially in tact, and
of suspect constitutionality. State versions of the act continue to wind
their way through legislatures. Dave Kong, California State Director for
American Atheists reports that the RFRA clone there has also undergone another
modification as well in hopes of satisfying some skeptical law makers.
RLPA will probably clear the House Judiciary Committee and the full House
of Representatives. Any stand against the legislation faces the best odds in
the Senate.