e is entering a political race already crowded with ten other candidates. He is far behind in polls, has little money, and is only now establishing a campaign organization. Yet, Utah Republican Senator Orrin Hatch says he is a man who believes in miracles and, addressing what he sees as division within his party, "Can bring both sides together"."

   Hatch is overshadowed in media coverage and resources by a host of other candidates now chasing the GOP nomination. Front runner Texas Gov. George W. Bush has "sucked up the oxygen," raising record amounts of cash in his quest for the presidency. Others like publisher Steve Forbes and former Tennessee Gov. Lamar Alexander have had their campaigns in place for years. Hatch enters this contest on the ground floor with other struggling hopefuls like Sens. John McCain of Arizona and Robert Smith of New Hampshire. The first three or four primaries could well prune this field down to two or three, with Bush a likely first place runner.

   But who knows? Hatch is already positioning himself not so much as a "dark horse" who comes out of obscurity when the party is deadlocked, but a "clutch candidate" Republicans can turn to when and if Bush stumbles. Like Bill Clinton, the Texas governor has a thick Teflon coating -- whether it can last into primary season remains to be seen. Right now the pundits are writing off the 65-year old Utah Senate veteran, but a lot can happen between now and the Philly GOP convention next year. Over the weekend, Hatch told some of the talking head programs including "Fox News Sunday" that while Bush presently enjoys a commanding lead in the polls, he faces a "high learning curve" on national issues. Questions posed by reporters about international issues like the Balkans suggest that Bush lacks expertise in foreign affairs as well. "He believes -- and certainly this is a possibility -- that George W. Bush may stumble, and if he does stumble (Hatch) has the credentials just as valuable as anyone else in the field," observed Sen. Robert F. Bennett (R-Utah), who has been helping Elizabeth Dole's campaign effort. Others like political analyst Stu Rothenberg say that it is "impossible" for Hatch to capture the GOP nomination. Or is it? Echoes of Gary Hart can be heard, the man who had the nomination and the presidency locked up, until a photographer snapped a revealing shot of a curvaceous Donna Rice on board a party boat with the White House hopeful.

   Scanning the list of Republican contenders is like looking at an invite list to a Christian Coalition awards banquet. Lamar Alexander and Steve Forbes have both been courting the religious right, even revising and strengthening their positions on culture war issues like abortion. Gary Bauer of the Family Research Council has an impressive grassroots organization, and some surprising financial backing that has yet to be tested. Rep. John Kasich of Ohio and Sen. Bob Smith of New Hampshire are both favorites of religious conservatives. Pat Buchanan is so far to the right he dovetails with the left on issues like international trade. Elizabeth Dole fools no one, and former Vice President Dan Quayle is one of the early articulators of the culture war slogan. John McCain of Arizona is a respectable conservative. And so is Orrin Hatch.

   But though he starting late in the game, Hatch already has a potentially strong base in Utah, thanks to the powerful Mormon Church. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) is one of the fastest growing denominations in the country, and Hatch -- sometimes referred to as "The Senator From LDS" -- is plugged in to the sect's sprawling network of voters and potential financial backers.

   On most issues, Hatch passes the religious right litmus test of political reliability. He told the New York Times that he begins each day reading passages from the Bible; he is spearheading the controversial Religious Liberty Protection Act, and Hatch endeared himself to many conservatives on the national scene when he defended a chastised Clarence Thomas against the sex-charged accusations of Anita Hill in 1991. But his lifelong involvement with the Mormon Church could be a problem down the line, even though Mike Russell of Christian Coalition describes Hatch as "a solid conservative" who is now part of a field of candidates who can "excite religious conservatives."

"Scanning the list of Republican contenders is like looking at an invite list to a Christian Coalition awards banquet..."

   According to a profile in the Salt Lake Tribune, pundits say that the religion issue might surface if and when Hatch becomes a serious contender. His affiliation with the Mormon establishment "already is drawing attention, similar to the 1960 race in which John F. Kennedy became the first Roman Catholic to hold the office of president of the United States." Hatch twice mentioned the fact that Mormons are Christians during the weekend media appearances, and he downplays a Gallup poll survey published last March that says that 17 percent of voters would not cast their franchise for a Mormon.

   Still, Mormonism remains a touchy subject, especially among American Christians. Some fundamentalists consider the LDS to be a "sect" which teaches false doctrines. The Mormon faith is based, in part, on "another testament of Jesus" which weaves an elaborate tale of lost tribes, wandering groups, and a ministry by Jesus Christ in "the new world." Although the LDS church takes a strong stand against abortion, homosexuality and other bete noirs in common with the religious right, many Christians feel uncomfortable with the esoteric doctrines, bizarre rituals and origins of the Mormon faith.

"A serious Hatch candidacy could split the religious right, especially if Christian conservatives suddenly find that they are uncomfortable with a candidate who, while passing their political litmus test on issues like abortion or school prayer, is wide of the mark on theological correctness..."

   Hatch is not the first Mormon to seek the White House. Joseph Smith, whose vivid revelations -- and some say fabrications -- are the foundation of the religion, ran for president in 1844. In 1968, the late Michigan Gov. George Romney of American Motors fame tried for the nomination, but dropped out early in the race. Notes Tribune reporter John Heilprin, "Romney was accused during the campaign of feeling that he had a pipeline to God..." Democratic congressman Mo Udall of Arizona also tried in 1976, but Udall was often at odds with the church hierarchy for his liberal political stance. In 1992, former Green Beret commander James "Bo" Gritz, considered one of the patriarchs of the modern militia movement, ran on the Populist Party ticket.

   A serious Hatch candidacy could split the religious right, especially if Christian conservatives suddenly find that they are uncomfortable with a candidate who, while passing their political litmus test on issues like abortion or school prayer, is wide of the mark on theological correctness. And more: the Tribune notes that for the LDS church, Hatch may serve "as a barometer of how well the religion has been accepted into modern American culture." John West a political scientist and senior fellow with the conservative Discovery Institute, said that the American voters "really haven't had a lot of experience with alternative or other religions in the presidential race." He admonishes that evangelical Christians "have theological problems with Mormons," and that "it's not easy to say how that will play" in a serious campaign.

   For secularists, it is not so much Hatch's Mormon faith that is a concern as it is the tendency of the church to mix politics with religion and demand that its followers do the same. State-church separation remains a major problem in Utah and other areas with heavy church influence. And both Sen. Hatch and the LDS are likely to play fast-and-loose in applying notions of civil liberties and religious rights when non-approved groups are involved. Recently when high school students in Salt Lake City attempted to form a Gay-Straight Alliance club, school administrators, government officials and church leaders denounced the effort. Hatch had been a supporter of the Equal Access Act, passed by Congress to provide rights for students seeking to form Bible study clubs and other non-curriculum related groups. When the Gay-Straight Alliance cited the Act for legal protection, Hatch promptly declared that the legislation was not crafted "for those kinds of groups."

   Dr. Lewis Wolfson of American University sees another potential problem with a Hatch candidacy. He told the Tribune that religion "is obviously going to be a factor" if Hatch begins showing unexpected strength in the primaries. The Utah senator is likely to face questions on Mormon doctrine, and the perception that the LDS is a cult. And more, says Wolfson. "The question is whether a Mormon can ignore his own church on some core issues that he would have to face as president."

   Religion may help Orrin Hatch, though, particularly in primary races in the American west where LDS influence is felt. Rod Julander of Weber State University's political science department thinks that Hatch "will do better than expected," and adds that heavy Mormon voting strength in California "will make him a real candidate." As the Mormon question comes into play, the church will likely distance itself -- at least publicly -- from the Hatch candidacy.

   Even without big primary wins, Orrin Hatch could play another role when Republicans hunker down in Philadelphia. Gov. Bush may indeed have a cakewalk to the nomination, but Hatch could prove to be a suitable running mate, bridging the gap between the GOP moderates and the religious right wing. On the hill, Hatch enjoys a reputation as a negotiator who is able to talk even to liberal democrats like Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass. But Hatch is also likely to remain intransigent on the key culture war issues like abortion rights, gays in the military, school prayer and other questions of the role of religious faith in society. From the perspective of First Amendment separation, we can expect few positive surprises from The Senator From LDS.

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